Proponents of “Africanising democracy”—including figures such as George Ayittey, certain African governments, and sections of the youth—argue that Western-style democracy is fundamentally unsuited to the continent. They advocate instead for a system tailored to Africa’s specific cultural context.
However, this movement frequently restricts democratic principles, such as freedom of expression, using local adaptation as a justification to stall political progress.
This trend is increasingly widespread. We see growing internet censorship, the suppression of protests, and weakened democratic practices in nations like Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Uganda, all reflecting a deepening scepticism toward Western models.
During a National Stakeholders Meeting on the state of democracy in Tanzania, former US Ambassador to Tanzania Michael Battle noted that “every democracy does not look alike,” and argued that systems must be “contextual.” Battle was not the first to suggest that democracy should be adapted to local realities.
In 2010, Ghanaian economist George Ayittey argued that Western-style democracy was unsuitable for Africa, a sentiment echoed by the Chinese embassy in 2014, which stated that “Africa’s democracy should be decided by Africa.”
This “Africanisation” of democracy is gaining popular traction. According to the 2022 African Youth Survey, 53 per cent of African youths believe Western-style democracy is ill-suited to the continent due to cultural concerns, historical influences, and the perceived failures of Western nations.
While the survey advocates for systems tailored to African needs, it remains unclear what these specific models actually entail. Consequently, localising democracy often results in the limitation of democratic practices.
Defining the pillars
Democracy, in its most literal sense, means “rule by the people,” derived from the Greek dēmokratia (dēmos meaning “people” and kratos meaning “rule”). This raises a critical question: what, exactly, is being “Africanised”? If the concept consists only of “the people” and “the rule,” which part requires a regional overhaul?
Scholars like Edeh Chukwuemeka identify legitimacy, the separation of powers, and popular participation as integral components of the system. Other essential pillars include periodic elections, checks and balances, the rule of law, and fundamental human rights.
Some narrow these down to four essentials: justice, equality, freedom, and representation. Should Africa pursue a course that legalises human rights abuses, avoids elections, or restricts participation? The answers to these questions reveal the true face of “African democracy”.
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Recently, several African countries have introduced regulations that limit freedom of expression—but who truly benefits? These freedoms are dwindling across the continent under the guise of localisation. In East Africa, for instance, sedition and defamation remain criminal offences.
Despite these restrictions, technological advances are providing new avenues for expression. Many citizens now use social media to practice “e-democracy.” In this sense, democracy has been digitalised—a development that represents neither localisation nor Africanisation.
This rise in digital engagement has led some governments to view the internet as a problem. Censorship is on the rise: there were 12 reported restrictions in 2017, increasing to 25 by 2019.
Furthermore, the suppression of physical protests has been brutal, leaving many citizens permanently disabled. Often, when people speak peacefully, they are ignored; when they protest, the state’s response makes the situation worse. Cultural phrases like “you must know how to talk to your elders” are frequently used to silence dissent.
In 2022, Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan even suggested the presidency is infallible. Such environments lead to the arrest of those exercising their democratic rights on charges of “disturbing the peace.”
Development and freedom
The pillars of democracy exist to ensure lawful governance and prevent the concentration of power. To suggest these pillars must be reshaped for an “African environment” is a threat to the system itself.
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While some argue that democracy is a form of neo-colonial intervention, respecting human rights is not a colonial concept. The democratic decline seen globally is not a failure of the system, but a failure of the people tasked with upholding its pillars.
Data from 2022 validates the arguments of Nobel laureate Amartya Sen: countries with low democracy scores also suffer from low human development.
For example, the conflicts in Ethiopia and Somalia resulted not from democratic systems, but from the limitations of democracy. Democracy increases freedom, and limiting it naturally leads to conflict. Conversely, freedom is positively correlated with economic growth.
Ethiopia’s democracy index has remained below four since 2010, and its human development index has remained below five since 2000, illustrating the link between a challenging democratic environment and poor development.
Identifying the beneficiaries
Who actually benefits from the Africanisation of democracy? Africa leads the world in corruption; in the 2022 Corruption Perception Index, only Botswana scored above 50 out of 100.
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Weak institutions are the root of the continent’s problems, yet “Africanising” democracy rarely involves strengthening these institutions. If democracy is “government of the people, for the people, by the people,” then the people should be the primary beneficiaries.
Instead, many governments now filter or ban the internet during elections. Uganda restricted access during its 2021 general election, and Tanzania did the same in 2020.
Since 2015, 30 countries globally have restricted the internet during elections—20 of those instances occurred in Africa. This is a major factor in how long-serving African presidents maintain their grip on power.
Democracy cannot be truly “localised”. Concepts like human rights, morality, and equality do not change based on geography. The movement to Africanise democracy does not aim to increase freedom.
Instead of focusing on localisation, civil society should work to educate the public about democratic principles. A government cannot represent a people who have limited information.
For Africa to thrive, democracy is essential. It guarantees the real freedoms necessary for both political and economic development. Any attempt to localise freedoms is simply an attempt to limit them. Democracy is a global phenomenon, not one specific to any single culture or geography.
Francis Nyonzo is an economist interested in social justice and digital rights. He is available at francisnyonzo@gmail.com. These are the writer’s own opinions and do not necessarily reflect the viewpoints of The Chanzo. Do you want to publish in this space? Contact our editors at editor@thechanzo.com for further clarification.
