In 1992, like many African nations emerging from the shadows of single-party rule, Tanzania took a bold step: we reintroduced multiparty democracy. This shift was driven by the desire to correct the shortcomings of the one-party system, which had become synonymous with limited civil liberties, a lack of transparency, minimal accountability, and constrained citizen participation.
Under one-party rule, creativity was often stifled and political discourse reduced to a single, dominant narrative.
We embraced multiparty democracy with high hopes. The goal was not only to foster political competition but to deepen civil liberties, enhance government accountability, and promote broader participation in governance.
By allowing multiple parties to contest for leadership, we believed that citizens would be offered a genuine choice—one that could ultimately lead to better governance and poverty alleviation.
As Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, the Father of the Nation, aptly put it: “Multiparty democracy helps the ruling party to avoid complacency and wake up to be accountable and serve the people.”
Thirty-three years later, this vision remains compelling. But we must now ask—honestly and urgently—is multiparty democracy in Tanzania truly working?
Reality on the ground
On paper, Tanzania is a multiparty democracy. In practice, however, the system is marred by significant obstacles that hinder its proper functioning.
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Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) has ruled since independence, first as TANU and ASP before their merger into CCM in 1977. This long-standing dominance has entrenched its influence over state institutions. Accusations abound that CCM routinely leverages state resources for political gain, leaving opposition parties at a distinct disadvantage.
Institutions meant to ensure fairness—such as the police, judiciary, and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)—are often perceived as biased in favour of the ruling party. The INEC, whose members are appointed by the president, raises concerns about its impartiality.
Repressive laws, including amendments to the Political Parties Act in 2019, grant excessive powers to the Registrar of Political Parties. These powers include the ability to deregister parties or block their political activities, thereby stifling healthy competition.
The opposition remains fragmented and under-resourced. Internal disputes, leadership wrangles, and the failure to form meaningful coalitions have reduced its effectiveness. Many parties also face severe logistical and financial constraints, limiting their ability to campaign and engage the public meaningfully.
Political rallies are often banned, protests violently dispersed, and opposition figures arrested or harassed. Independent media faces censorship or outright shutdowns, and access to public broadcasters remains unequal. Civil society organisations and human rights groups are likewise targeted, further shrinking democratic space.
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Election cycles in recent years—particularly in 2015 and 2020—have been marred by irregularities. These include ballot box tampering, voter intimidation, disqualification of opposition candidates, and restricted access for both local and international observers. In Zanzibar, electoral credibility has been especially fragile.
Many Tanzanians feel disillusioned. There’s a growing perception that elections are predetermined and that politicians—regardless of party—serve themselves, not the people. Fear of reprisals, especially for those associating with opposition parties, further discourages political participation. In rural areas, poor voter education adds another layer of disenfranchisement.
A flawed system
Tanzania may bear the hallmarks of a multiparty democracy, but beneath the surface lies a deeply flawed system. A true democracy is more than holding elections every five years; it requires a level playing field, institutional integrity, respect for fundamental freedoms, and vibrant political competition.
If we are serious about democracy, reforms are not optional—they are essential. We must ensure the independence of the electoral commission and repeal or amend laws that restrict political and civic freedoms.
There should also be equal access to media for all political parties, as well as·supporting the development of strong, accountable opposition parties. We should also promote civic education to foster informed political participation.
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Only through these steps can we realise the promise of the 1992 reforms and build a democracy that reflects the will of the people—not just the dominance of one party.
Thirty-three years of multiparty democracy in Tanzania have brought some progress, but the journey is far from complete. The time has come to reflect—not just on where we’ve been, but where we want to go.
A democratic system that stifles dissent, undermines opposition, and erodes public trust cannot be sustainable. For Tanzania’s democracy to thrive, we must commit to fairness, freedom, and reform. Only then can the true spirit of multiparty democracy flourish.
Selemani Rehani analyses Tanzania’s politics and its democratic trajectory. He’s available selemani.rehani.gac@gmail.com. These are the writer’s own opinions, and they do not necessarily represent the viewpoint of The Chanzo. Do you want to publish in this space? Contact our editors at editor@thechanzo.com for further inquiries.
One Response
You have a real misconception of party politics. We have 19 political Parties – if you ignore the hopelessly flawed leadership of the selfdisenfranchised CHADEMA – all fighting for Leadership. In a country asUnited as Tanzania. How can you have 19 distinct disagreements? You can u derstand Kenya – 46 tribes, each with its own Oresident and Parliament, the bigger tribes having g 3or 4 “Counties” each – at least they are fighting for their tribes. We have many more tribes in Tanzania, 126 at the last count, with places near Kenya such as Rorya having 7 or 8 tribes, but we have never entertained tribalism. We have had 4 Chritian Presidents and 3 Musli. For good measure, we have had a woman President. Does such a country really need 19 parties?