Zanzibar – Experts and civil society leaders gathered at the Tanzania Democracy Forum on July 9, 2026, warned that youth radicalisation and extremism in Tanzania are not primarily driven by religion but by economic exclusion, unaddressed grievances, and the systematic restriction of legitimate civic participation.
The panel discussion on exclusion, radicalisation, and extremism presented research and lived experiences suggesting that addressing the root causes of youth alienation requires fundamental reforms to resource governance and democratic inclusion.
The panel, moderated by Asha Abinallah, an expert in digital rights, featured Dr Ramadhan Lupa, a researcher on political governance; Dr William Walwa, an academic specialising in resource distribution and youth dynamics; and Sheikh Ponda Issa Ponda, a religious leader and researcher on detained individuals and missing persons in Tanzania.
Dr Lupa opened the discussion by situating contemporary debates about religion and politics within a historical context.
He noted that the separation of religion and politics emerged as a foundational principle following major revolutions, including the French Revolution, when societies recognised that secular constitutions—created by humans rather than religious principles—were necessary for democratic governance.
“A secular state is one not governed on religious principles; it has a constitution made by humans,” Dr Lupa stated. He argued that contemporary trends in which government leaders “excessively lean on religion” represent a departure from constitutional principles.
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“Looking at it, I see it in a political context, simply seeking their political interests,” he said. “At the same time, they’re dividing religious leaders. Religious leaders are now divided—some align with the government and those, like some here, whom the government won’t even listen to, who will be labelled and targeted.”
Dr Lupa emphasised that Tanzania’s constitution explicitly establishes the country as a secular state. “The constitution clearly states this is a country not governed on religious foundations; it has its own constitution,” he said.
Dividend, not bomb
Dr Walwa reframed the discussion of youth radicalisation by challenging the language used to describe young people. He noted that Africa is often described as a “youth continent” but that young people are frequently characterised as a “time bomb” rather than as an asset.
“The fundamental question is: is it a bomb or a dividend we should use for benefit?” Dr Walwa asked. “Calling them a bomb has several challenges—if you call them a bomb, you won’t discuss their benefits. Also, calling them a bomb invites the tendency to control them because they’re seen as dangerous.”
Dr Walwa traced a historical shift in how youth have been mobilised. At independence, young people were “radicalised to hate the coloniser” and succeeded in achieving independence.
“But today’s youth are being radicalised to join terrorist groups. These African youth are being recruited to fight their own governments. This is a new development we must explore: why have youth shifted from being radicalised against external enemies to being recruited by Al-Shabaab to fight their own governments?”
Root cause
The panel presented research demonstrating that economic factors, rather than religious conviction, are the primary drivers of youth extremism.
Dr Walwa cited examples from across the region: northern Mozambique, which “was marginalised for a long time and now has terrorist groups”; Mtwara in Tanzania, where economic marginalisation has created instability; and Mali, where pastoralists facing long-standing land access issues have joined extremist groups.
“Many who join come from economically marginalised areas,” Dr Walwa stated. He highlighted research conducted in 2017 and repeated in 2023 in which youth who had joined terrorist groups were asked what motivated them.
“Most said religion,” he said. “But when asked to quote a Bible or Quran verse, they couldn’t. Ultimately, it’s poverty, education, and other factors. Areas with these challenges have higher risks.”
Dr Walwa identified what he termed a “tipping point”—the moment at which government actions and unaddressed grievances translate into youth joining extremist groups.
“Government actions can cause youth to become extremist and radicalised—including when social services aren’t available, when there’s harassment, and when long-standing grievances remain unaddressed,” he said. “These grievances—political, economic, or social—can translate into youth joining extremist groups.”
When asked whether religious leaders have sufficient influence to radicalise youth who do not actively practice their faith, Dr Walwa cited Afrobarometer research data.
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“African youth don’t trust politicians—that’s a fact. They trust religious leaders,” he said. Among youth who had joined extremist groups, 17 per cent attributed their involvement to influence from religious figures, teachers, or religious leaders.
However, Dr Walwa emphasised that this influence operates within a context of broader exclusion and grievance. Religious leaders’ credibility derives from their perceived independence from political power and their willingness to speak on behalf of communities facing injustice.
Contesting the ‘terrorism’ narrative
Sheikh Ponda, a notable Islamic cleric who serves as the Secretary of the Council of Imams (Shura ya Maimamu), presented a fundamentally different framing of the radicalisation debate. He argued that the concept of “terrorism” itself is a political tool created by powerful nations to suppress dissent and maintain global dominance.
“This concept of terrorism—in research, it’s actually a political concept. It’s a tool created by politics to maintain global dominance. This terrorism concept isn’t real—it comes from imperialist nations, especially Western countries,” Sheikh Ponda stated. “All those who don’t agree with oppressive politics are branded as terrorists.”
Sheikh Ponda traced the introduction of terrorism legislation to Tanzania in 2002, when a bill modelled on American law was presented to Parliament.
“When it was presented, MPs rejected it—a huge number of Tanzanian MPs opposed it. They explained its weaknesses, saying the law doesn’t fit our Tanzanian context—there’s no reason for such a law here. They clearly stated the law targets Muslims and would bring great harm.”
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He noted that even some Christian MPs were among the most vocal critics of the proposed legislation.
Sheikh Ponda presented evidence of individuals arrested on terrorism charges who have spent years in detention without conviction.
“The government has arrested people on terrorism charges, taken them to court, and hundreds have been held for up to 10 years—yet the government fails to bring evidence proving they’re terrorists,” he said.
He cited the example of Zanzibari religious leaders Sheikh Mselem Ali and Sheikh Farid Hadi Ahmed, who “spent nine years in jail on terrorism charges without the government proving anything.”
He recounted the case of an 18-year-old named Nasibu who was arrested with a container of kerosene allegedly intended to attack the American embassy. “He was arrested with a container of five litres to blow it up? This is completely far-fetched,” Sheikh Ponda said.
“We expected this youth to be taken to court to defend himself and for them to prove he’s a terrorist. What happened? He was taken to court, brought in, then released on claims the judge wasn’t available—the case was dismissed immediately and never returned to court.”
Resource conflicts
Sheikh Ponda presented examples of resource-related grievances that have driven citizens to oppose government policies. He described the case of cashew nut farmers in southern Tanzania who, around 2017–2018, negotiated subsidies with foreign buyers and agreed with the Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA) to collect the funds.
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“TRA collected nearly [Sh]200 billion,” the cleric claimed. “But when the money came in, the government took it, passed a law in parliament taking all that money, leaving farmers unable to pay debts, and their cashew farming declined.”
He also addressed the natural gas sector. “When gas was discovered, there were agreements that gas would be processed in Dar es Salaam. The locals objected, wanting to first see their interests addressed. They sat with the government and agreed on those interests—but the government didn’t implement them. When the youth tried to protest, the military was sent in, and people were killed.”
Sheikh Ponda argued that these resource conflicts, not ideological commitment, explain why citizens oppose government policies.
“These are the things that make citizens find themselves fighting their own government institutions,” he analysed. “They’re not fighting for terrorism—what would you gain from terrorism? No one does anything without interest.”
Sheikh Ponda called for pressure on the government to repeal laws that criminalise legitimate dissent, noting that previous commissions had recommended such action.
One Response
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