Delivering key electoral reforms that Tanzanians have been yearning for years was expected to be President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s most outstanding legacy as elections in the East African nation have been highly contested, sometimes resulting in violence following rigging claims. However, as elections approach, that prospect seems to be rapidly fading.
Laid out by President Samia herself immediately after succeeding the late John Magufuli, whose presidency was cut short by sudden death, creating an environment that would enable the conduct of free and fair elections in Tanzania seemed to be part of the Head of State’s overarching goal of facilitating reconciliation, resilience, reforms and rebuilding in the country, which came to be known as the 4Rs philosophy.
Through her public statements, Samia signalled an interest in charting a different path than her predecessor, envisioning a future where everyone, regardless of their political leanings, has a role to play in the country’s development. She took several measures to indicate this direction, including lifting an illegal ban previously imposed on opposition parties’ rallies as well as launching reconciliation talks with stakeholders to improve political pluralism in Tanzania.
These and other similar efforts boosted the confidence of Tanzania’s allies, whom the Magufuli Administration alienated thanks partly to his leadership style of leading with an iron fist. Many governments worldwide were interested in partnering with Samia’s Tanzania in areas such as foreign investment and other global agendas, such as strengthening democracy, climate change, and clean energy transition.
These include Germany, whose president, Dr Frank-Walter Steinmeier, made a three-day working visit to Tanzania from October 30 to November 1, 2023, to promote relations between the two nations and especially to promote and strengthen the foundations of trade and investment between them. Samia’s “re-opening” of the country also convinced U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris to visit Tanzania in March 2023, where she described Tanzania’s first female Head of State as “a champion of democratic reforms.”
Doubts
But beyond the rhetorics, many in Tanzania doubted Samia could implement reforms to improve political pluralism in Tanzania and deliver free and fair elections as that would be antithetical to the ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi’s (CCM) interests and priorities of continuing to cling to power for as long as it can by any means necessary.
Having stayed in power for over six decades, making it the second longest-ruling party in Africa, CCM has successfully embedded itself in Tanzania’s state machinery so that it no longer identifies itself as a political party per se but as a state in and of itself, forcing every state institution, especially security forces and electoral authorities, to serve its political, including electoral, interests.
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For instance, on March 7, 2020, then-CCM secretary-general Bashiru Ally publicly admitted that his political party has been using, and will continue to use, state machinery to remain in power, causing a public uproar.
Practically, this involves using the police and other security agencies to harass opposition politicians through arbitrary arrests and detentions so that they pose no electoral threats to CCM candidates. Sometimes, security forces go beyond what is legally accepted in their harassment of opposition candidates to include extralegal activities like kidnapping and abductions.
But perhaps no other use of the state machinery improves CCM’s chances during elections than the judicially-prohibited use of District Executive Directors (DEDs), the chief executive officers of local government authorities appointed by the president, many of whom are known CCM card-carrying members who controversially serve as returning officers during elections, to suspend dozens of opposition candidates questionably, leaving CCM candidates to run unopposed in the electoral race.
At no time in Tanzania’s multiparty history was this practice so dominantly applied than during the 2020 general elections. Authorities controversially disqualified thousands of opposition parliamentary and councillorship candidates across the country, paving the way for CCM to “win” the elections in a landslide.
Massive irregularities marred the elections, and to date, the National Electoral Commission (NEC) has yet to publish official election results on its website. Some have associated the decision with the fact that no official tallying was done, and the results were just made up.
Against this backdrop, many anticipated CCM to find ways and excuses to block even the most insignificant reforms it would perceive as threats to its hegemony in the November 2024 civic elections and the October 2025 general elections. Already, opposition parties CHADEMA and ACT-Wazalendo have complained – see here and here – that authorities nationwide have disqualified thousands of their candidates for the November 27 local government elections, a precursor of what’s to come in 2025.
This reality presented Samia with a very peculiar challenge: balancing her reform agenda with her party’s priorities to stay in power for as long as it wanted. At first, Samia sought to resolve this challenge by limiting her reforms to rhetorical levels, preaching about the values of democracy and human rights while undertaking no serious legal and policy changes that would allow Tanzania to meaningfully benefit from those values.
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However, as time passed, the Head of State knew the public would be tired of her reform rhetoric, so her administration implemented some measures to prove the seriousness of Samia’s promises. For example, she formed a task force to collect stakeholders’ opinions on improving political pluralism in the country and launched “reconciliation” talks with the main opposition party, CHADEMA, to achieve national “unity and cohesion.”
As of this writing, however, these efforts have also failed to produce any tangible outcomes. Key electoral laws the parliament passed recently as the outcome of national consultative efforts to improve political pluralism fell short of the required reforms.
Many stakeholders criticised the pieces of legislation, arguing that they feature just a fraction of the opinions they gave during the consultative period. With the talks between CCM and CHADEMA ending without any gain, it is fair to conclude that Samia’s reforms have officially hit a snag.
Implications
In real terms, this means that Tanzania has now officially returned to the very dark days that President Samia tried, or at least showed, to avoid. It includes applying legal and extrajudicial measures to prevent people from exercising their constitutionally guaranteed rights, like freedom of assembly and expression.
On August 12, 2024, for instance, police arrested over 500 members and officials of CHADEMA to prevent the event the party organised to commemorate the international youth day in Mbeya, a city in southwest Tanzania. It was the first time that police arrested such a huge number of opposition members in a single day in the history of Tanzania’s political pluralism.
Apart from arrest and detentions, Tanzania’s security forces have also been accused of disappearing a dozen opposition figures and critics of the government, with the police showing no interest in investigating the cases, charges the law enforcement agency denies.
The cases involve the abduction and eventual murder of a senior opposition figure, Ali Mohamed Kibao, whose body was found dead on September 8, 2024, in the Ununio neighbourhood of Dar es Salaam, almost two days after people alleged to be police officers stopped a bus in which he was travelling to Tanga and left with him. Police are also accused of abducting CHADEMA youth leader Deusdedith Soka, who has been missing since August this year.
But it is not just politicians who have been the target of the increasing state repression in Tanzania. The attacks have also targeted artists whose art the state disapproved of, journalists, media houses, and ordinary Tanzanian citizens expressing their opinions on social media. Combined, all these incidents continue to create fear among Tanzanians, thereby seriously limiting their ability to participate in their country’s affairs.
Condemnation
The government undertakes these measures against the background of heightened resistance and condemnation as people call for authorities to end their arbitrary and lawless practices and ensure accountability for the perpetrators of those actions. Among those vocal in calling out such practices are foreign envoys representing their countries in Tanzania, who have not been quiet whenever human rights violations are reported.
On September 10, 2024, following the death of Mr Kibao, sixteen countries, including members of the European Union, the United States, the United Kingdom, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland, issued statements condemning the alleged murder of the senior CHADEMA official, calling for an immediate, thorough and independent investigation into it and other related incidents.
It was the first time the country’s diplomatic corps issued such strong-worded statements regarding what was happening in Tanzania since President Samia came to power in 2021. Unsurprisingly, the Head of State attacked the envoys, interpreting their decision to comment on the issue as interfering in Tanzania’s internal affairs. She said she knew how to run the country, and no one could tell her what to do.
Tanzanians are going to the polls on November 27, 2024, to participate in the country’s local government elections and in October 2025 for general elections. Against the law, the government insists it oversees the civic elections instead of the newly formed Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The massive disqualification of opposition candidates ahead of the elections confirms stakeholders’ views on the reason why the government insisted on overseeing the elections instead of INEC.
Many in Tanzania currently express disappointment with the Samia Administration. They genuinely hoped the Head of State would keep her promises to deliver important reforms, like reviving the stalled constitution-writing process and improving the electoral environment, that would contribute to building a democratic and prosperous Tanzania where the rule of law runs supreme.
With no significant reforms in sight and opposition parties claiming foul play ahead of civic elections, feelings of insecurity and uncertainty dominate much of Tanzania’s public life. More and more people are afraid of openly criticising the government for fear of being arrested or forcibly disappeared. However, despite serious and real risks, many others resist the trend, determined to prevent Tanzania from being taken back to the dark days of lawlessness and impunity.
Khalifa Said is the Editor-in-Chief of Dar es Salaam-based digital publication The Chanzo. He’s available at Khalifa@thechanzo.com or on X as @ThatBoyKhalifax. These are the writer’s own opinions and do not necessarily reflect the viewpoint of The Chanzo. Want to publish in this space? Contact our editors at editor@thechanzo.com for further inquiries.
One Response
Woooh! the most powerful thinkpiece ever on earth. Wish our current leaders were like Benjamin Mkapa and Nyerere who spent time reading people’s views.