Few bilateral relationships in Africa rival the depth, resilience, and historical significance of the bond between Tanzania and Mozambique. Born out of the flames of anti-colonial struggle and cemented through decades of political cooperation, this unique relationship has evolved into a robust strategic partnership. 

From the era of gunpowder and guerrilla warfare to the contemporary battles against terrorism, poverty, and climate change, the alliance between Tanzania and Mozambique, underpinned by the ideological fraternity of Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and FRELIMO, remains a living testament to Pan-African solidarity.

The liberation of Mozambique from Portuguese colonial rule cannot be fully told without crediting Tanzania’s unwavering support. Under Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Tanzania became the first African nation to offer not just rhetorical solidarity but practical, material, and moral support to southern Africa’s liberation movements.

Mozambique’s liberation war officially began in 1964, led by FRELIMO. Tanzania provided military bases, training facilities, and diplomatic platforms. Regions such as Nachingwea, Mtwara, and Bagamoyo became synonymous with FRELIMO’s preparation and resistance planning. The 1969 assassination of FRELIMO’s first president, Eduardo Mondlane, in Dar es Salaam only deepened the sense of shared sacrifice.

Tanzanians remember vividly the presence of Mozambican fighters, many of whom spoke Swahili and shared Africanist ideologies. In return, FRELIMO, after securing independence in 1975, recognised Tanzania as the most strategic ally in the region, giving rise to a model post-liberation alliance.

More than political parties

CCM and FRELIMO are not mere political parties; they are liberation movements turned governing institutions that carry the DNA of revolutionary African nationalism. Both parties were founding members of the Frontline States, a coalition of countries that supported anti-apartheid movements in Southern Africa.

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The CCM-FRELIMO alliance is reinforced through regular ideological dialogues, including study visits, think-tank collaborations, and party-to-party exchange forums. Joint participation in the Socialist International and other progressive global movements, as well as coordination during SADC summits, particularly on peace, democracy, and regional integration, enhances this cooperation.

In recent years, this partnership has matured into modern governance collaboration. In September 2024, high-level discussions between CCM’s Secretary General, Dr Emmanuel Nchimbi and FRELIMO’s Head of International Relations, Alcinda Abreu, emphasised reviving ideological education, strengthening youth wings, and promoting Pan-African diplomacy.

Diplomatically, Tanzania and Mozambique have nurtured one of the most stable and consultative relationships in Africa. Both countries have established joint permanent commissions for bilateral cooperation. They have maintained high-level diplomatic visits, including mutual state visits by Presidents Samia Suluhu Hassan and Filipe Nyusi, as well as supporting each other on key African Union, SADC, and UN votes.

In 2022, Tanzania appointed a new High Commissioner to Maputo, with a mandate to enhance economic diplomacy, improve cultural ties, and coordinate counterterrorism programs.

High hopes, slow delivery

Despite their political closeness, economic cooperation between the two nations has had both high hopes and slow delivery. Trade data shows a troubling dip: bilateral trade fell from US$57.8 million in 2022 to US$20.1 million in 2023. Analysts cite insecurity, limited cross-border infrastructure, and over-dependence on informal trade routes.

To remedy this, several key projects and frameworks have been launched, including the construction of the Unity Bridge (Daraja la Umoja). Spanning the Ruvuma River and completed in 2010, this bridge physically connects Mtwara (Tanzania) to Cabo Delgado Province (Mozambique). It remains a vital trade and transit point, especially for agricultural produce, fish, and livestock.

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The establishment of the Mtwara Development Corridor, a regional integration initiative involving Tanzania, Mozambique, Malawi, and Zambia, is another corrective step. The corridor envisions a network of roads, ports, and railways. It’s central to unlocking cross-border investment in natural gas, mining, and agro-processing.

There is also the Mtambaswala One-Stop Border Post. Under construction, this project will improve customs efficiency, reduce smuggling, and boost legal trade, as well as the ongoing conversation on how the countries, which share the Indian Ocean coastline, can collaborate on marine conservation, offshore gas exploration, and joint fisheries patrols.

Islamist insurgency

The rise of Islamist insurgency in Cabo Delgado, northern Mozambique, has also shaken the region. The Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jama insurgents, loosely linked to ISIS, launched a violent campaign in 2017, leading to deaths, displacement, and the disruption of the liquefied natural gas (LNG) sector.

Tanzania, which shares a 750-kilometre border with Mozambique, has been directly affected: refugees from Cabo Delgado have fled into southern Tanzania districts, and terror cells have attempted infiltration into the Mtwara and Lindi regions.

In response, the two governments signed a security MoU in 2022 covering real-time intelligence sharing, joint anti-terror operations, and community surveillance and counter-radicalisation programmes. Tanzanian forces have also participated under the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) to stabilise Cabo Delgado.

Mozambique’s vast LNG reserves and Tanzania’s exploration potential offer avenues for joint energy development. Key areas of cooperation may include shared pipeline feasibility studies between the gas fields in Rovuma Basin (Mozambique) and Mtwara (Tanzania). Also, regional electricity grid interconnectivity, under the East African Power Pool and SAPP (Southern African Power Pool), and exchange of expertise in renewable energy, particularly solar and offshore wind, can be explored.

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In 2024, Tanzania Electric Supply Company (TANESCO) and Mozambique’s EDM signed an MoU for electricity exports and cross-border electrification.

Cultural ties

The bond between Tanzania and Mozambique goes beyond politics—it lives in language, culture, and daily life. Ethnic groups such as the Makonde, Makua, and Yao live on both sides of the border, maintaining cross-border family and cultural ties.

In 2022, Mozambique made Kiswahili an optional subject in public schools, acknowledging its role in regional integration. Tanzania responded by dispatching Kiswahili teachers, curriculum experts, and linguists.

Other people-to-people initiatives include student exchange programmes under SADC protocols; joint cultural festivals, particularly in border regions; and diaspora engagement forums, targeting Mozambicans living in Dar es Salaam, Arusha, and Dodoma.

Both Tanzania and Mozambique have carved a niche as moderate, stable, and policy-driven nations in Africa, advocating for reform of the UN Security Council to give Africa permanent representation, expressing support and solidarity for Palestine, Western Sahara, and other liberation causes, while advocating for climate finance, coastal protection, and green transitions.

In 2025, President Samia is expected to assume leadership of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security, placing her at the forefront of regional stabilisation, including post-insurgency reconstruction in Mozambique. Mozambique, having served as chair of the African Union Peace and Security Council, has also endorsed Tanzania’s leadership on continental security mechanisms.

Obstacles

Despite strong historical and ideological links, the partnership is not without obstacles. For example, border management remains weak, enabling illicit trade and human trafficking. Language barriers are also a problem, with the Portuguese dominance in Mozambique limiting wider integration.

READ MORE: Tanzania’s President Acknowledges the Struggles Liberation Parties Face in the Region

Also, Tanzanian and Mozambican businesses often operate in silos, with little investment collaboration. There are also bureaucratic delays in implementing signed MoUs, slowing progress on infrastructure and energy deals.

Both nations are now governed by second-generation and third-generation post-liberation leaders—President Samia Suluhu Hassan and President Daniel Chapo—who recognise the need to modernise bilateral relations.

Key future directions include joint digital economy frameworks, including fintech partnerships and e-governance platforms; tourism circuits linking Zanzibar, Kilwa, Pemba, and northern Mozambique beaches; joint response to natural disasters, particularly cyclones and floods that affect both nations; and political party modernization, with CCM and FRELIMO engaging in leadership academies, anti-corruption best practices, and party digitalization.

The Tanzania-Mozambique relationship is one of Africa’s most enduring stories of friendship, resilience, and strategic vision. From the shared trenches of liberation warfare to the halls of SADC, the bond has matured but not withered. The ideological alliance of CCM and FRELIMO, once forged in the name of freedom, now serves the higher call of development, stability, and integration.

As both nations face a world defined by technological change, geopolitical realignment, and economic uncertainty, they can draw strength from a history that affirms: Africa rises best when Africans stand together.

Thomas Joel Kibwana is an international relations and business development expert. He is available at thomasjkibwana@gmail.com or on X as @thomasjkibwana. The opinions expressed here are the writer’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of The Chanzo. If you are interested in publishing in this space, please contact our editors at editor@thechanzo.com.