Op-ed

‘My Men Have Done Something Very Wrong and Extremely Regrettable’: Of Nanjing 1937, Tiananmen Square 1989 and Tanzania, October 29

A reference to Nanjing and Tiananmen is only to try to make sense of the October 29 events, and whether, as a nation, we can learn a thing or two from those two massacres.

Dr. Muhidin Shangwe

December 6, 2025

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A few days ago, I encountered two publications that made me look at Tanzania’s October 29 events from a different angle. One was published in The Economist with the title, Tanzania has its Tiananmen Moment. Another one appeared on The Chanzo, titled, Our Tiananmen Moment: Tanzania’s Cry for Justice Amid October Massacres.

As a permanent student of international relations, my research focuses on Africa-China relations. In particular, I’m interested in aspects of Chinese soft power on the continent and beyond. One would therefore see why I was immediately absorbed by the analogy.

Having previously published on Chinese soft power in Tanzania, it struck me that not once did I factor in Tiananmen and whether it has bearings on politics in Tanzania. It goes without saying that China’s charm in Tanzania has deep roots, which can be traced back to the Ujamaa experiment of the 1960s and 1970s.

In my defence, we had never had anything comparable to the 1989 Tiananmen Square events. That, of course, was before October 29, 2025. Suddenly, the analogy appears to have some merit, therefore warranting attention.

Yet, since we are talking about China, I decided to start with what happened to that country in 1937 in its then capital, Nanjing – otherwise known as Nanking. I am compelled to do this as I try to make sense of the regrettable situation in Tanzania that started on October 29 and went on until November 3, at least.

Nanjing, 1937

“My men have done something very wrong and extremely regrettable.”

Those were the words of General Matsui Iwane, the commander of the Imperial Japanese Army. His forces invaded Nanjing on December 4, 1937, during the Second World War. By December 13, Chinese forces in Nanjing had succumbed to the Japanese incursion, and the capital fell under the occupation of Japan on the same day.

Matsui arrived in Nanjing on December 18, anxious about what was awaiting him. Before the invasion, he had instructed his men to “behave” by acting within limits. Yet, he knew too well the unprofessional conduct of his soldiers, who were mostly reservists.

His instincts were right. Upon his arrival, Matsui witnessed a level of brutality that shocked him. It was not just about the number of people killed but how they were killed. The heinous acts of his men saw, among other things, pregnant women disembowelled, people buried alive, and others beheaded.

In one incident, two of his commanders turned killing into a sport, competing over who would kill 100 people faster than the other. This is what is known as the Nanjing Massacre, where it is estimated that 300,000 Chinese civilians and soldiers were killed.

That, of course, did not exonerate him, as he was later found guilty of war crimes and handed the death penalty by the International Military Tribunal of the Far East in Tokyo. That a war criminal regretted the actions of his soldiers speaks to the level of brutality rather than his compassion for the victims!

One needs to revisit the history of what came to be known as the Nanjing Massacre of 1937. Iris Chang’s book The Rape of Nanking is a good start.

But if you ever travel to Nanjing, a visit to the Memorial Hall of Victims of Nanjing Massacre by Japanese Invaders will take you on an emotional journey and make you feel the weight of the atrocities that took place 88 years ago.

It must be noted that Iris Chang committed suicide at the young age of 36 following a battle with depression. There is a strong belief among those who were close to her that her research on the Nanjing Massacre and other related endeavours had taken a toll on her mental health, leading to a nervous breakdown.

Tiananmen Square, 1989

About a million protesters led by students had gathered in Tiananmen Square for nearly two months, starting from April 15 to June 4, 1989. They demanded democratic reforms from the communist government, but were met with the sheer force of its military. They were crushed. Blood was spilt.

It is not clear how many were killed in the ensuing events, but estimates range from hundreds to thousands. Unlike the Nanjing Massacre, there is virtually no memory of the killings that took place in Tiananmen.

In China, the Tiananmen Square massacre is officially referred to as the June Fourth Incident. Discussions about the massacre only happen in hushed conversations. Open and critical discussions about the incident can lead one into trouble.

Moreover, Chinese leaders hardly talk about it, and when they do, it becomes hot news. The accepted narrative in China is one which tells the story of the Tiananmen incident as the day the government defeated treasonous elements. Or as one editorial puts it, it was the day the country was “immunised against turmoil.”

After Tiananmen, China became a pariah state for Western countries, which, led by the United States, imposed sanctions on Beijing. China’s foreign ‘friends’ too grew concerned and wanted answers.

For Tanzania, a three-man Chinese delegation from the Communist Party of China (CPC) arrived in the country on August 1, 1989, to explain to the sister-party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), what had happened. The delegation met with CCM’s Central Committee under the chairmanship of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere.

Nyerere and his team were told that the protests in Tiananmen were intended to bring down the regime and that weeks of diplomatic efforts to resolve the stalemate proved futile. CCM acknowledged the Chinese delegation’s justification but regretted that blood was spilt.

Tanzania, October 29

As a Tanzanian who, like many of my compatriots, indulges in Tanzanian exceptionalism, these are uncharted waters. Tanzanian exceptionalism rests on its relative stability in a troubled region. For many decades, it has been known as an ‘Island of Peace.’

This is the proud nation of Mwalimu Nyerere, supposedly built on the principles of “utu” (ubuntu). Many in Africa found sanctuary in Tanzania when they were persecuted in their respective countries.

Zimbabwe’s Vice President Constantino Chiwenga, who attended the swearing-in of President Samia Suluhu Hassan, described the situation in Tanzania as “disturbing.” The country he and other African freedom fighters once called home was going through a dark chapter of its otherwise colourful biography.

It’s therefore understandable when I am at a loss for words to explain what my compatriots and I witnessed in the days between October 29 and November 3, 2025.

October 29 saw unprecedented protests in Tanzania as young people took to the streets with a host of demands from authorities: stop the election, stop abductions, exercise accountability, implement democratic reforms, etc.

In all accounts, the anger among protesters was palpable, and violence ensued. In cities like Dar es Salaam, Mwanza and Arusha, protesters attacked polling stations as well as police stations. Some of the Bus Rapid Transport (BRT) stations were set ablaze, as were the buses.

Private businesses were not spared either, as targeted attacks were carried out on businesses whose owners were believed to benefit from the ‘system.’ Such attacks, consequently, were also carried out against the offices of the ruling party, CCM.

In response, we now know that security agents fired live bullets, either killing or injuring protesters and non-protesters alike – according to witness accounts. Another report has indicated that security agents shot harmless, fleeing protesters in the back.

Footage of the carnage has since dominated social media platforms, putting Tanzania on the wrong side of the international spotlight like never before. The government has, of course, denied many of these accounts but has failed to present an alternative version of the story so far.

A commission of inquiry has since been formed, and it is due to present its findings after 90 days. More than a month after October 29, no one knows the exact number of those killed. In fact, the Tanzanian Government Spokesperson has subsequently warned that citing the number of the dead is in itself an act of sedition punishable by law.

Questions, and more questions

My reference to Nanjing and Tiananmen is only to try to make sense of October 29 and whether we can learn a thing or two from those two massacres. This leaves me with questions:

Where is our Matsui of October 29, who, I’m assuming, was shocked by the killings which unravelled, said in awe, something to the effect of “Mama yangu, what have you done?”

Did our Matsui doubt the discipline of his men and women before giving orders?

And who is our Iris Chang, who will endure the psychological trauma, or succumb to it, when telling the story of what happened on October 29? I’m speaking in collective here. Tanzanians, young and old, have seen the most graphic images of the brazen killings. The psychological trauma is as national as it is personal.

In that meeting between CCM and the Chinese delegation in August 1989, the former’s Central Committee drew two lessons from Tiananmen. The first was that the protests were a result of the CPC and the Chinese government’s aloofness from the citizenry. The second was that CCM must pay attention to everyday problems facing the people.

Left unaddressed, those problems could lead to even bigger problems, culminating in what happened in Tiananmen. A year later, in August 1990, Nyerere warned against the growing tendency where CCM was becoming an electioneering machinery where preoccupation with elections becomes paramount at the expense of the masses.

One should read Nyerere’s bibliography, Development as Rebellion: Rebellion without Rebels? written by renowned Tanzanian intellectual Issa Shivji, from which this information is available.

Massacre, what massacre?

Today, in relation to October 29, the question of what CCM, and indeed the Tanzanian government, learnt from Tiananmen is still relevant. On the one hand, anyone interested in Chinese soft power would wonder whether the heavy-handedness displayed in response to protests was inspired by how China dealt with its own protesters in 1989.

It is not uncommon to hear CCM politicians speak admirably about China’s political system and the policies that come out of it. Not long ago, some voices within CCM were heard calling for the removal of the presidential term limit. Their source of inspiration? China!

At one seminar in 2023, a senior CCM stalwart spoke about Tiananmen Square rather admirably, praising the Chinese government’s resolve in the manner it dealt with protesters.

On the other hand, the Tanzanian government’s attempts to tiptoe, especially around the issue of killings, signal its intention to minimise the significance of October 29. I would hope that Tanzania does not follow this path, although that is where initial signs point to.

It will be counterproductive. October 29 cannot be minimised in this day and age. Not when we have citizen journalism armed with smartphones. Not when our young people have formed cross-border networks on TikTok and Instagram.

One needs to look no further: the internet shutdown imposed by the government between October 29 and November 3 and the restrictions on accessing social media platforms that followed did not break the resolve of netizens.

Even stern warnings by the police against sharing “sensitive images and messages” did not stop the flooding of the very similar images on the internet. The deliberate hushing of October 29 is therefore futile. It fuels public anger and government mistrust.

Needless to say, cheap propaganda won’t work, either.

Dr Muhidin Shangwe is a lecturer in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at the University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM). His research area is on China-Africa relations. He can be reached at shangwejb@gmail.com or on X at @ShangweliBeria. These are the writer’s own opinions and do not necessarily reflect the viewpoints of The Chanzo. You can also have your opinion published on our platform. Contact our editors at editor@thechanzo.com for further inquiries.