The change in the world order is recalibrating many of the rules of the game for how nations relate to one another. From the Cold War era to unipolarity after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and now to multipolarity, the global system has shifted profoundly.
This transformation demands a change in mindset and in the way Africa positions itself within this evolving order.
During the Cold War, Africa was placed in a difficult position. We were forced to choose sides: West or East. In response, countries of the Global South formed the Non-Aligned Movement. That neutrality was not weakness; it was leverage.
From the 1950s through the 1980s, non-alignment enhanced negotiating power and protected developing countries from being disadvantaged in a bipolar world.
Today’s environment is different. The international system that operated under the guidance of international law—with the United States acting for decades as a central pillar of the world order—has shifted.
Power is now dispersed. Emerging actors such as China, India, Brazil, Russia, and South Africa consolidated cooperation through BRICS, reflecting the rise of multipolarity. The expansion of BRICS, including Saudi Arabia’s move toward membership, further demonstrates that ideological similarity is no longer the foundation of global partnerships.
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The world’s political economy is no longer anchored in the ideological divisions of the post–World War II or Cold War eras. It is increasingly transactional. Shared values are no longer sufficient to sustain diplomatic relations.
Instead, economic security, supply chains, technology, energy transitions, and access to critical minerals shape alliances. We have entered what may be described as a new tyranny of the geopolitical economy.
In this context, what type of policies does Africa need?
Immense potential
Africa, as part of the Global South, holds immense potential that no major power wishes to lose. The continent holds approximately 50 per cent of the world’s cobalt reserves (heavily concentrated in the DRC at ~97 per cent of the continent’s portion) and around 79 per cent of the platinum group metals—minerals indispensable to the green energy transition and high-tech industries.
Its population is youthful and expanding. Africa’s demographic transformation is historic: rising from about 9 per cent of the global population in 1950 to roughly 18 per cent today, and potentially approaching 25 per cent by mid-century. Its consumer market is projected to reach 1.7 billion people by 2030.
In a multipolar world competing for resources and influence, Africa is not peripheral—it is central.
Uncoordinated leverage
However, uncoordinated leverage weakens Africa’s bargaining power. Countries at the forefront of critical mineral production—such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Mali, Namibia, South Africa, and Morocco—often negotiate separately with global powers.
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Some agreements are framed as security cooperation but provide strategic access to minerals and infrastructure. When negotiations are conducted individually and without a codified, united stance, Africa risks losing collective leverage.
Strategic coordination must be collective, not piecemeal.
The African Union has a crucial role to play in this new geopolitical economy. While it is not a supranational body like the European Union and does not have the legal authority to negotiate trade agreements on behalf of its member states, it can still provide policy guidance, harmonise continental strategies on critical minerals, and strengthen Africa’s collective bargaining position.
A more unified voice would reduce the risk of being divided amid intensifying superpower rivalry.
Through its flagship initiative, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), Africa has the potential to significantly transform its economic trajectory. Estimates suggest that intra-African integration under AfCFTA could raise Africa’s exports to the rest of the world by up to 32 per cent by 2035.
However, the agreement is arguably not yet given the political weight and practical support it deserves from member states. Without strong political commitment and coordinated implementation, its transformative potential may remain underutilised.
Multi-alignment
The strategy suitable for this era is not classical non-alignment but multi-alignment—sometimes referred to as Active Non-Alignment (ANA). ANA is a foreign policy doctrine that rejects taking sides in great-power competition while pragmatically engaging all poles of the global system.
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It moves beyond ideological affinity and focuses on defending interests. The case of BRICS demonstrates this dynamic: its members do not share identical political values, yet they cooperate strategically.
Multi-alignment requires flexibility and realism. It also requires stability at home. A country struggling with political instability and insecurity cannot negotiate effectively in global markets.
Democratic governance strengthens economic credibility. In 21 Lessons for the 21st Century, Yuval Noah Harari argues that free and fair elections are essential for the success of free markets; without democracy, markets tend to fall prey to cronyism and corruption. Political stability, rule of law, and institutional integrity are therefore not abstract ideals—they are economic assets.
Intellectual preparedness
Equally important is intellectual preparedness. During a public lecture organised by the Institute of Foreign Affairs (IFA), Jeffrey Sachs emphasised the need for robust research teams and think tanks within African governance structures. Such institutions would analyse global debates, monitor economic and security trends, and inform continental strategies.
A proactive research culture would allow Africa to anticipate external pressures, defend sovereignty, and negotiate strategically rather than react to unilateral actions by external powers.
This perspective resonates with remarks made by Mark Carney, Prime Minister of Canada, at the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, where he underscored that an educated population constitutes a form of economic capital in an increasingly competitive global environment.
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Strengthening economic cooperation within the Global South and deepening regional integration are also essential for de-risking. By expanding intra-African trade and industrialisation, the continent reduces dependency and enhances resilience.
Engagement with multipolar platforms such as BRICS can diversify financial and diplomatic options—but such engagement must always be guided by Africa’s defined interests.
Recognition
Recent continental developments reflect this recognition. The Thirty-Ninth Ordinary Session of the African Union Assembly in Addis Ababa reaffirmed commitments to peace, institutional reform, and coordinated engagement in global governance.
Leaders emphasised zero tolerance for unconstitutional changes of government, sustainable financing of AU-led peace operations, accelerated implementation of AfCFTA, and stronger coordination within the G20. These outcomes underscore the urgency of collective continental action as Africa navigates an increasingly competitive multipolar world.
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The multipolar world is not about choosing sides. It is about choosing a strategy.
Africa must move from reaction to anticipation, from fragmentation to coordination, and from dependency to strategic engagement. By embracing multi-alignment, strengthening continental coordination through the African Union, investing in research capacity as urged by Jeffrey Sachs, and reinforcing democratic governance as underscored by Yuval Noah Harari, the continent can position itself with clarity in a deeply divided world.
If Africa prepares strategically—economically, politically, and intellectually—it will not merely navigate the new geopolitical economy. It will shape it on its own terms.
Fortunata Kitokesya is a lawyer and human rights expert. She is available at fortukito@gmail.com or on X as @fortunatak. The opinions expressed here are the writer’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of The Chanzo. If you are interested in publishing in this space, please contact our editors at editor@thechanzo.com.
