On December 9, 2025, Tanzania celebrated 64 years of independence. For most people, the day should have been about parades, speeches, and national pride. Instead, the streets of Dar es Salaam, Arusha, Dodoma, and many other towns were almost empty.
Heavily armed police and soldiers stood at every corner. Military helicopters flew low over houses. Roadblocks stopped vehicles, and anyone who looked suspicious was questioned. The government had banned protests and told non-essential workers to stay home. What happened that day was not a celebration of freedom; it was a clear show of force to stop people from speaking out.
The protests had been planned weeks earlier. They were a direct response to the violent crackdown that followed the October 29, 2025, general elections. President Samia Suluhu Hassan and her party, CCM, were declared winners with over 98 per cent of the vote, but the main opposition party, CHADEMA, was effectively blocked from competing fairly.
Hundreds of people were killed or arrested in the days after the election, and the internet was shut down for almost a week. The December 9 protests were meant to demand justice for those killings and for real democratic change.
This reflection looks at what happened on that day, why the government reacted the way it did, and what the short- and long-term effects are likely to be. It focuses on four main areas: the damage to the economy and people’s daily lives, the attack on the right to organise and speak freely, the risk of bigger unrest in the future, and the harm to Tanzania’s international image.
Immediate costs
When the government told everyone to stay indoors and deployed thousands of security forces, the country basically shut down for a day. Markets closed, buses did not run, and small traders lost a day’s income.
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Dar es Salaam alone accounts for more than 40 per cent of Tanzania’s economic activity. One day of forced closure costs millions of shillings, and the people who suffer most are those who live hand-to-mouth – street hawkers, boda-boda drivers, and market women.
In Mwanza and parts of Mbeya, there were small protests, and some shops were reportedly looted. That added to the losses. The government said it redirected money meant for independence celebrations to repair roads damaged during the post-election violence. That sounds practical, but many people see it as an excuse to avoid public events where they might be booed or challenged.
In the longer term, days like December 9 make investors nervous. Foreign companies and donors do not like political risk. Tourism, one of Tanzania’s biggest earners, is already suffering because of negative headlines.
If the country keeps looking unstable, new investment will slow down, and jobs will be harder to create – especially for young people, who make up more than 60 per cent of the population.
Freedom of association
Tanzania’s constitution says people have the right to gather peacefully and to form associations. On December 9, those rights were ignored. The police arrested at least ten activists in the days leading up to the protests just for posting messages online.
Civil society groups cancelled planned events because they were afraid of being accused of plotting a coup.
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Internet speeds were deliberately slowed again, making it hard for citizens to share videos or coordinate. This is now a standard government tactic: cut communication, spread fear, and claim everything is calm because “the people chose peace.”
When citizens see that even peaceful protest is treated as a crime, many simply stop trying to organise. Over time, this kills public debate. Trade unions, student groups, and human-rights organisations become afraid to speak.
The result is a society where problems build up quietly because no one feels safe talking about them in public.
Future unrest
The heavy security on December 9 worked in the narrow sense that there were no huge marches in the capital. But it did not solve the anger – it only pushed it underground. Young Tanzanians watched helicopters circling their neighbourhoods on a day that is supposed to celebrate freedom. That memory does not fade quickly.
History shows that when governments rely only on force and refuse to listen, protests often come back stronger and less predictable. We saw this in Kenya in 2024 with the Gen-Z protests that started online and caught the government by surprise.
Tanzanian activists are already talking about moving away from big, announced marches toward smaller, decentralised actions that are harder to police.
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The longer the government refuses serious dialogue – an independent inquiry into the post-election killings, release of political prisoners, and talks with the opposition – the more likely it is that frustration will turn into something more violent. People who feel they have no legal way to be heard sometimes choose illegal ways.
International reputation
Tanzania used to be seen as one of Africa’s most stable countries. That image has been badly damaged. The European Union, the United States, and the African Union all criticised the post-election violence and the continued repression. Development aid and military cooperation agreements are now under review.
At the same time, China – Tanzania’s biggest creditor and infrastructure partner – has stayed quiet. Some in government may see that as a good thing, but Chinese loans come with conditions too, and Beijing does not like investing in countries that look unstable. A poorer international reputation means fewer tourists, less aid, and slower growth.
December 9 was supposed to be a day of pride. Instead, it became a day that showed how far Tanzania has moved away from the ideals of the independence struggle. The government succeeded in keeping the streets empty, but it did so by using fear and force. That is not sustainable.
The costs are already clear. Lost income for ordinary people, a frightened civil society, growing anger among the youth, and a damaged international image. Unless the government changes course – opens real dialogue, investigates the election violence properly, and respects basic rights – the next crisis will be bigger than the last.
Freedom is not just a word to be used in speeches on Uhuru Day. It has to be practised every day. Tanzania’s leaders still have time to choose dialogue over drones, but the window is closing.
Evans Rubara is a Tanzania-based natural resource management specialist and sociopolitical analyst. He is available at erubara@outlook.com or on X as @PunditParadox. These are the writer’s own opinions and do not necessarily reflect the viewpoints of The Chanzo. Do you want to publish in this space? Contact our editors at editor@thechanzo.com for further inquiries.
