Bongo Flava, Tanzania’s own music genre, marked 30 years of cultural achievement on July 10. Yet what caught my attention was the embarrassing boos that greeted Deputy Minister Hamis Mwinjuma, better known as Mwana FA, the moment he merely mentioned the words “the sixth-phase government.”
Being one of the pioneers of Bongo Flava himself, Mwana FA was clearly not the target of the verbal assault. The government he represents was. The experience made me think: to what end?
Like many Tanzanians, I have often wondered what kind of country we wish to leave to our children. We rightly celebrate our peace, our history of nation-building and the remarkable foundation laid by those who came before us.
Yet beneath that pride lies an uncomfortable reality. Our politics have become increasingly polarised, trust between citizens and institutions has weakened, and public discourse has grown more suspicious than hopeful.
This article is neither an indictment nor an endorsement of any political actor. It is simply a humble dream, a proposal for how Tanzania might rediscover the national consensus that has long been its greatest strength.
Brief window of hope
Before the election-related violence of October 29, 2025, there were signs that the country was changing course. The brief post-Magufuli period saw restrictions on political rallies and sections of the media lifted, opposition leaders regain their freedom, and the introduction of President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s 4Rs: Reconciliation, Resilience, Reforms and Rebuilding.
Hope was restored, and optimism flourished.
Months later, however, that optimism began to fade. Elections came, chaos followed, and trust quietly left the room. Today, everyone blames everyone. Is it too late to recover?
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Humanity has consistently underestimated one of its most valuable assets: trust. Without trust, families fall apart, friendships fade, and nations eventually weaken. The sooner Tanzania accepts this reality, the better.
Perhaps the first step is agreeing, in one voice, that development is not measured only by roads, ports or electricity. It is also measured by the confidence citizens have in one another and in the institutions that govern them. Tanzania’s next great development project is not merely economic. It is the rebuilding of trust.
Democratic processes have always provided the strongest foundation for trust between leaders and citizens. When people freely elect their leaders and retain the power to replace them, they develop confidence in their own role in nation-building. Over time, that confidence becomes trust in the system itself.
Walking through the streets of Dar es Salaam today feels a little uncomfortable. Police officers and members of the Tanzania People’s Defence Force increasingly share patrol responsibilities in what appears to be a preventive response to fears of political unrest.
Whilst such deployments may be intended to avoid a repeat of the October 29 violence, the visible presence of heavily armed security units in ordinary neighbourhoods creates anxiety rather than reassurance. It reflects a worrying absence of confidence on all sides.
The best way to stop resembling a country under a perpetual state of emergency is not through greater displays of force but through rebuilding trust. That begins by listening to ordinary citizens and creating genuine spaces for honest conversation. When siblings disagree, one does not settle the dispute by having one person hold a machete.
In my humble, perhaps naïve, dream, I see citizens who simply want to be heard, regardless of political affiliation. Honest conversations about elections, constitutional reform, development priorities, state contracts and public accountability would ease tensions whilst creating the conditions for lasting economic and social prosperity.
Nations become stronger when institutions earn public trust and command respect beyond election cycles.
Nation above personalities
I must admit that our country suffers from an acute case of poor communication. I deliberately avoid the word miscommunication because our challenge goes beyond misunderstanding.
We often fail in how messages are packaged, delivered, targeted and contextualised—sometimes intentionally, sometimes unintentionally. Too often, emotions and the fear of losing political influence become the driving force behind unnecessary rhetoric, defensive responses and outright verbal attacks.
The government should remain the people’s most important tool for development. Public institutions do not need to respond to every insult, every unfounded criticism or every online provocation. Whenever they do respond, substance should always take precedence over defensiveness.
A decentralised, honest and transparent communication culture, extending from central government to local authorities, would solve many of the problems we currently create for ourselves.
One of my greatest criticisms of the late President John Magufuli’s administration was the gradual shift from a people’s government to one increasingly identified with a single individual.
Unfortunately, that tendency has not disappeared. Officials continue to associate national achievements with personalities, sometimes assigning government accomplishments to particular administrations or leaders.
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That exclusivity unintentionally distances government from the people it serves. Government achievements should increasingly be presented as accomplishments of the Republic rather than of individuals.
Such a shift would strengthen institutions, reduce political resentment, allow successive administrations to build upon one another instead of competing over ownership, and remind citizens that development is financed by taxpayers and belongs to everyone.
Don’t get me wrong. This is not about diminishing leadership. It is about strengthening the State and building people’s trust in institutions rather than individuals.
Reconciliation: strategic investment?
If rebuilding trust is Tanzania’s greatest development project, then reconciliation must become one of its most important national investments. Reconciliation is often mistaken for surrender. It is not. It is a demonstration of confidence. Strong nations reconcile because they are secure enough to confront difficult conversations without fearing that dialogue itself amounts to defeat.
Meaningful reconciliation should begin with practical confidence-building measures. Political space should continue to expand. Politically sensitive cases should be resolved fairly and transparently. Dialogue between political actors should become a normal feature of our democracy rather than an exceptional event.
None of these measures should be viewed as concessions to one political camp. They are investments in national stability. To give such efforts credibility, Tanzania should consider establishing a National Reconciliation Commission as soon as possible.
Its purpose would not be to reopen every political disagreement or determine winners and losers. Rather, it would provide a trusted national platform where grievances can be acknowledged, confidence restored, and practical recommendations made to strengthen our democratic institutions.
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For credibility reasons, reconciliation should not be left solely to politicians negotiating amongst themselves. Respected elder statespeople whose public service commands broad respect could help guide the process.
Leaders such as Justice Joseph Warioba and Prof. Anna Tibaijuka possess the experience and national standing to inspire confidence across political divides, despite remaining loyal members of the ruling party.
Blending such leaders with other groups—clergy, activists, youth groups, civil society organisations and political leaders—would facilitate dialogue, rebuild trust and recommend reforms that strengthen national cohesion.
Reconciliation is not an admission of failure. It is one of the highest expressions of political maturity. History suggests that this is neither naïve nor unprecedented.
Learning from others
Rwanda emerged from the horrors of the 1994 genocide by deliberately rebuilding national unity through community-based justice, institutional reform and a shared commitment to preventing a return to ethnic violence.
Whilst debates continue about political openness, few dispute that reconciliation helped create the stability upon which Rwanda’s economic transformation was built.
Kenya offers another lesson closer to home. After the post-election violence of 2007 nearly tore the country apart, political compromise, constitutional reform and the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission helped restore confidence in the State. The journey has been imperfect, but the country avoided a return to violence on the same scale.
South Africa chose a different path after apartheid. Instead of allowing decades of injustice to exact the naturally-justified revenge, it created the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, acknowledging painful history whilst laying the foundations for a democratic future.
Spain’s transition after the traumatic Franco era and Northern Ireland’s Good Friday Agreement similarly demonstrated that societies divided by ideology, identity or violence can choose negotiation over perpetual conflict.
None of these countries became perfect overnight. Some continue to struggle with inequality, political tensions or questions of justice. Reconciliation did not erase their differences. What it did was create institutions and political cultures capable of managing those differences without allowing them to threaten the nation itself.
Our divisions are neither as deep nor as irreversible as those these countries confronted. If they could summon the political courage to place the future above old grievances, there is every reason to believe that we can do the same.
Dialogue is cheaper than conflict, trust is more productive than suspicion, and reconciliation is often the wisest investment a nation can make.
Everyone’s generosity
Responsibility for rebuilding Tanzania cannot rest with the government alone. The opposition also bears responsibility. So do the media, civil society and ordinary citizens.
Governments must remain open to criticism without interpreting every disagreement as hostility. Opposition parties must offer credible alternatives instead of perpetual confrontation.
The media should continue holding power accountable whilst resisting sensationalism that deepens division. Civil society should remain an honest bridge between citizens and institutions rather than becoming another arena for political competition.
Citizens, too, have obligations. Democracy cannot flourish if we celebrate insults over ideas, consume misinformation without question or reduce every public debate to partisan loyalty. Politics should become less about defeating opponents and more about competing over solutions.
Disagreement is not a threat to national unity. The healthiest democracies are not those without disagreement. They are those who have learned how to disagree without becoming enemies.
This vision may sound ambitious. Some may even call it idealistic. Perhaps it is. But every nation-changing idea begins as someone’s hope that tomorrow can be better than today.
In my article following the October 29 violence last year, I called for the “difficult deal” to heal the grieving nation as quickly as possible. It never happened. Here I come, dreaming again and hoping for the best.
Tanzania has overcome challenges before because it consistently chose unity over division, dialogue over hostility and nationhood over personality. We transitioned from one-party rule to multiparty politics.
We moved beyond the chaos of forced villagisation, where the Nyerere government forcefully moved millions of people without compensation, leaving homes demolished and families homeless. Zanzibar’s Muafaka process reminded us that even deeply entrenched political disagreements can be addressed through dialogue. We can choose that path again.
Perhaps one day, at another celebration of Tanzanian music, sport or culture, the mention of “the government” will no longer provoke boos—not because everyone supports those in office, but because citizens once again trust the institutions that belong to them.
That is my humble dream: the Tanzania we can still become.
Festo Mulinda is a political analyst and freelance columnist focusing on international relations and geopolitics. He can be reached at mulindafesto@gmail.com or on X as @fmulinda_III. The opinions expressed here are the writer’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of The Chanzo. If you are interested in publishing in this space, please contact our editors at editor@thechanzo.com.
